Week 1 This week, you will read the article written by Sorokowski et al. (2015), located under your weekly resources. Then, you will write a pp that includ

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This week, you will read the article written by Sorokowski et al. (2015), located under your weekly resources. Then, you will write a pp that includes the following:

  • A description of the purpose of the research, the hypotheses, and the methods used to test the hypotheses.
  • A description of the variables that were measured in the research and the level of measurement for each variable (i.e., nominal, ordinal, interval, or ratio).
  • A description of the sample used in the research. Your description should include a discussion regarding the diversity (e.g., age, sex, race, etc.) of the sample.
    • For example, was the sample representative of a particular population or was it simply a convenience sample?
  • A discussion to determine if the ethical guidelines were followed in the recruitment and testing of participants.
  • A summary of the results and conclusions.
  • A description of the measures of central tendency (i.e., mean, median, or mode) and variability (e.g., standard deviation) reported by the authors.
    • This should include specific examples of how central tendency and variability were reported in the article; you should not include general definitions for these terms.

Length: 2-3 pp

Your pp should demonstrate thoughtful consideration of the ideas and concepts presented in the course by providing new thoughts and insights relating directly to this topic. Your response should reflect scholarly writing and current APA standards.

Personality and Individual Differences 85 (2015) 123–127

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Personality and Individual Differences

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / p a i d

Selfie posting behaviors are associated with narcissism among men

0191-8869/� 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

⇑ Corresponding author at: University of Wroclaw, Institute of Psychology, ul.
Dawida, 50-527 Wroclaw, Poland.

E-mail addresses: sorokowskipiotr@yahoo.co.uk (P. Sorokowski), sorokows-
ka@gmail.com (A. Sorokowska), ania.oleszkiewicz@gmail.com (A. Oleszkiewicz),
t.frackowiak@psychologia.uni.wroc.pl (T. Frackowiak), anna.maria.huk@gmail.com
(A. Huk), kasiapisanski@gmail.com (K. Pisanski).

P. Sorokowski a,⇑, A. Sorokowska a,b, A. Oleszkiewicz a, T. Frackowiak a, A. Huk a, K. Pisanski a
a Institute of Psychology, University of Wroclaw, Poland
b Interdisciplinary Center ‘‘Smell & Taste’’, Department of Otorhinolaryngology, TU Dresden, Germany

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:
Received 26 February 2015
Received in revised form 28 April 2015
Accepted 2 May 2015
Available online 15 May 2015

Social media
Social online networking
Narcissistic Personality Inventory
Sex differences

a b s t r a c t

Although many studies have investigated individual differences in online social networking, few have
examined the recent and rapidly popularized social phenomenon of the ‘‘selfie’’ (a selfportrait pho-
tograph of oneself). In two studies with a pooled sample of 1296 men and women, we tested the predic-
tion that individuals who score high on four narcissism sub-scales (Self-sufficiency, Vanity, Leadership,
and Admiration Demand) will be more likely to post selfies to social media sites than will individuals
who exhibit low narcissism. We examined three categories of selfies: own selfies; selfies with a romantic
partner; and group selfies, controlling for non-selfie photographs. Women posted more selfies of all types
than did men. However, women’s selfie-posting behavior was generally unrelated to their narcissism
scores. In contrast, men’s overall narcissism scores positively predicted posting own selfies, selfies with
a partner, and group selfies. Moreover, men’s Vanity, Leadership, and Admiration Demand scores each
independently predicted the posting of one or more types of selfies. Our findings provide the first evi-
dence that the link between narcissism and selfie-posting behavior is comparatively weak among women
than men, and provide novel insight into the social motivations and functions of online social networking.

� 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

Social media, including online social networking sites such as
Facebook and Twitter, have developed at an extreme rate over
the last several years (Chou, Hunt, Beckjord, Moser, & Hesse,
2009; Kaplan & Haenlein, 2010). Common usages of social media,
and its relative novelty, are related to an emergence of new psy-
chological and social phenomena (Back et al., 2010; Błachnio,
Przepiórka, & Rudnicka, 2013; Houghton & Joinson, 2010;
Nadkarni & Hofmann, 2012; Ross et al., 2009), some of which have
yet to be thoroughly investigated.

Many researchers have examined individual differences in
social media usage. The results of these studies suggest that social
media activity is related to characteristics of the Five Factor Model
(Ross et al., 2009; Ryan & Xenos, 2011) and jealousy (Muise,
Christofides, & Desmarais, 2009). Narcissism has also been shown
to predict online social activity. Researchers have found that indi-
viduals characterized by relatively elevated narcissism are egocen-
tric, have a sense of grandiosity, dominance, and entitlement, and

perceive themselves as more attractive and better than others, but –
importantly – are still marked by insecurity (Fox & Rooney, 2015;
Raskin & Terry, 1988). Researchers studying narcissism have gen-
erally suggested a positive association between this characteristic
and social media usage (Buffardi & Campbell, 2008; Carpenter,
2012; Lee, Ahn, & Kim, 2014; McKinney, Kelly, & Duran, 2012;
Mehdizadeh, 2010; Ryan & Xenos, 2011). However, closer exami-
nation of previous studies reveals many negative results, method-
ological limitations, or only partial confirmation of this thesis
(Deters, Mehl, & Eid, 2014; McKinney et al., 2012; Panek, Nardis,
& Konrath, 2013; Skues, Williams, & Wise, 2012).

Because narcissists tend to be exhibitionistic, attention seeking,
and highly concerned with their physical appearance (Vazire,
Naumann, Rentfrow, & Gosling, 2008), it seems logical to predict
that narcissistic individuals may be more likely to post their pic-
tures on social media than others. Narcissism has been found to
be a significant predictor of the motivation for selecting profile pic-
tures (Kapidzic, 2013), and narcissistic users are more likely to
upload their attractive photos on social media than are less narcis-
sistic users (Wang, Jackson, Zhang, & Su, 2012). Ong and colleagues
(2011) additionally reported that narcissists assessed the attrac-
tiveness of their online pictures as unobjectively high (i.e., higher
than ratings obtained from their peers). It remains unclear, how-
ever, whether narcissists post more pictures on social media than
do others. For example, Ryan and Xenos (2011) did not find any

124 P. Sorokowski et al. / Personality and Individual Differences 85 (2015) 123–127

significant relationship between narcissism and the number of
profile pictures or number of tagged pictures posted on
Facebook. Similar findings were reported by Ong and colleagues

Previous inconsistencies in studies examining links between
narcissism and social media usage may be due to the possibility
that narcissism is related to the posting of only a specific picture
type, i.e., ‘‘selfies’’. Because this word is relatively new and has
yet to attain a definite, clear definition, we have operationalized
the word selfie for the purpose of this study. Based on online dic-
tionaries (Selfie, 2015a, 2015b) and other Internet sources we pro-
pose to define a selfie as: a self-portrait photograph of oneself (or
of oneself and other people), taken with a camera or a camera
phone held at arm’s length or pointed at a mirror, that is usually
shared through social media. According to this definition (and con-
sistent with real-life observations), selfies include not only
self-portraits taken alone, but also photographs taken of oneself
with a partner or a group of people.

Selfies in fact have a long history dating back to the early begin-
nings of photography. The first selfies are thought to have been
taken independently by an American amateur photographer,
Robert Cornelius, and an English inventor, Charles Wheatstone
around the year 1840 (Wade, 2014). However, the most dynamic
development in this phenomenon is its extreme and recent
increase in usage in social media. According to the Oxford
Dictionary, the word selfie was first used in 2002, and already
within a decade, ‘‘selfie’’ was chosen as Oxford Dictionaries Word
of the Year (Selfie, 2015a). Indeed, the word’s frequency increased
in usage by 17,000% between the years 2012 and 2013. Presently,
selfies are taken by millions of people all over the world every
day, including politicians (Presidents Obama and Putin and the
previous Iranian President Ahmadinejad), actors, musicians,
sportsmen, and even astronauts in outer space. Surprisingly, there
are practically no psychological studies regarding selfies, with the
exception of one recent study assessing trait predictors of social
networking site usage (Fox & Rooney, 2015). In this study, Fox &
Rooney found that narcissism and psychopathy predicted the num-
ber of selfies posted by men.

Although the current study is not meant to be a replication of
this work, as we began conducting the research before Fox and
Rooney‘s paper was published, our findings are an interesting
extension of their results. In the present study, we are the first to
test whether narcissism predicts selfie posting behavior in both
men and women. In addition to analyzing the results separately
for each sub-scale of narcissism (Self-sufficiency, Vanity,
Leadership, and Admiration Demand), we divided selfie posting
behavior into three meaningful categories: own selfies, selfies with
a romantic partner, and group selfies, controlling for the total num-
ber of photos (excluding selfies) posted by each participant on
social media sites. Moreover, conducting our study in Poland
enables us to draw some conclusions regarding the cultural univer-
sality of relationships between narcissism and taking selfies.

Fig. 1. Differences between narcissism subscales in the Narcissistic Personality
Inventory (Raskin and Terry, 1988) and the Polish version of this test (Bazinska and
Drat-Ruszczak, 2000). The comparison is based on Bazińska and Drut-Ruszczak

2. Materials and methods

2.1. Participants

Study 1 included a total of 748 people (355 women and 393
men) aged between 17 and 47 years (M = 21.64; SD = 3.41). The
participants were recruited from various university campuses
across Poland. Study 2 included a total of 548 Facebook users
(330 women and 218 men) aged between 14 and 47 years
(M = 23.72; SD = 4.39), none of whom took part in Study 1. These
participants were recruited through personal contacts by the
authors and students of the authors’ University. All participants

provided informed consent prior to their inclusion in the study
and were not compensated for their participation.

2.2. Measures

All participants completed the Narcissistic Personality
Inventory (Raskin & Terry, 1988) Polish adaptation (Bazinska &
Drat-Ruszczak, 2000). The Polish adaptation of the test revealed a
different structure of narcissism than did the original version.
The Polish scale consists of four factors (see Fig. 1).

Two scales: Self-sufficiency (Cronbach’s alpha for the Polish ver-
sion – .70) and Vanity (Cronbach’s alpha for the Polish version –
.76) were nearly identical to the original scales. However, in the
Polish version, Authority also included a conviction that one has
influence over others (e.g., high scores were related to the ques-
tion, ‘‘I am talented in influencing others’’). Therefore, the name
of the Authority subscale was changed to Leadership (Cronbach’s
alpha for the Polish version – .86). The scale Admiration Demand
(Cronbach’s alpha for the Polish version – .86) reflects a need to
be meaningful, noticed, admired, complimented by others and
famous (Bazinska & Drat-Ruszczak, 2000).

We examined three categories of selfies: own selfies; selfies
with a romantic partner; and group selfies (i.e., taken with one
or more individuals, excluding ones romantic partner). We also
examined the total number of photos (excluding selfies) posted
by each participant on social media. In Study 1, we measured the
self-assessed number of photos posted during the previous month
on all types of online social networking sites (including Blibp,
Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Whatsapp, and two
Polish sites, Fotka and Nasza Klasa). In Study 2, we measured the
actual, total number of photos posted by each participant on

2.3. Procedure

In Study 1, all participants completed a paper-and-pencil ques-
tionnaire containing questions related to their personality and
their selfie-sharing activity during the previous month. We asked
participants to count and report all types of selfies and non-selfie
photos presented/uploaded/shared by the participants on all social
media sites (including Blibp, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and two
Polish sites, Fotka and Nasza Klasa) and those shared with the use
of text messages or instant messaging applications (e.g., WhatsApp
or Snapchat) in the past 30 days. Participants were recruited by the

P. Sorokowski et al. / Personality and Individual Differences 85 (2015) 123–127 125

experimenters from various university campuses in Poland.
Questionnaires were completed by the participants at home and
handed back to the researchers in a sealed envelope on a scheduled

In Study 2, undergraduate research assistants from the authors’
University volunteered to take part in the project as recruiters.
These students recruited participants via their Facebook accounts
to participate in a study regarding personality and Facebook usage.
The participants were messaged individually with the use of
Facebook chat; the message contained a request to take part in
the study, a short explanation of the study purpose (i.e., ‘the pur-
pose of this study is to investigate relationships between personal-
ity and Facebook usage’), and an individually assigned link
enabling the participant to complete the questionnaire. When a
participant completed the questionnaire, his/her responses
appeared in an anonymous database under an individually
assigned code. Research assistants then counted the photos posted
to each participant’s Facebook page, categorizing them as own
selfies, selfies with a romantic partner, group selfies, and
non-selfies. Approximately 30 percent of all approached partici-
pants took part in Study 2.

3. Results

The number of selfies (own selfies, selfies with a romantic part-
ner, and group selfies) posted by men and women in Studies 1 and
2 and results of paired sample t tests examining sex differences in
selfie posting are given in Table 1.

We found that women participating in Study 1 declared posting
significantly more own selfies and group selfies than did men. No
sex differences were found with respect to selfies posted with a
partner. These findings were supported by the results of Study 2,
in which women published significantly more of all types of selfies
to Facebook than did men (own selfies, selfies with a partner, and
group selfies).

In order to determine the relationship between narcissism and
posting solely selfie-type pictures via social media, we performed
two-tailed partial correlations with an alpha level of .05, control-
ling for the total number of all other pictures uploaded by the

All values of the first order correlation coefficients for men and
women in Study 1 and Study 2 can be found in Table 2. Both the
results of Study 1 and Study 2 indicated that, among men, all sub-
scales except Self-Sufficiency correlated with the posting of one or
more types of selfies. The majority of these correlations survived

Table 1
Number of selfies posted by men and women in Studies 1 and 2 and tests of sex
differences in selfie posting.

(N = 355) Mean

Men (N = 393)
Mean (SD)

ta df p

Study 1
Own selfies 6.68 (26.64) 3.26 (19.02) 2.03 746 <.05 Selfies with a


1.21 (4.47) 1.72 (7.29) �1.16 746 .26

Group selfies 6.12 (23.94) 2.64 (7.05) 2.75 746 <.01 Total selfies 14.01 (48.37) 7.62 (26.01) 2.28 746 <.05

Study 2
Own selfies 3.41 (7.52) 2.04 (5.5) 2.33 546 <.05 Selfies with a

1.78 (4.24) 0.86 (2.57) 2.87 546 <.01

Group selfies 2.61 (6.09) 1.57 (3.65) 2.26 546 <.05 Total selfies 7.8 (13.36) 4.47 (9.26) 3.21 546 <.05

a Paired sample t tests (two-tailed, alpha = .05) comparing mean number of
selfies posted by men and women.

Bonferroni correction for multiple comparisons, wherein 0.05/15
comparisons per sex = 0.003 (as indicated in Table 2). Men’s overall
total narcissism score positively predicted posting own selfies,
selfies with a partner, and group selfies, wherein posting own
selfies and group selfies survived Bonferroni correction. In the case
of women, the narcissism subscale Admiration Demand was the
only scale to significantly predict selfie posting behavior (own
selfies in Study 1, and own selfies and selfies with a partner in
Study 2, among which only the posting of selfies with a partner
in Study 2 survived Bonferroni correction).

4. Discussion

The results of our study suggest that the summarized narcis-
sism score obtained with the Narcissistic Personality Inventory
scale (Raskin & Terry, 1988; Polish adaptation: Bazinska &
Drat-Ruszczak, 2000) is significantly and positively correlated with
posting selfies on social media sites. However, the link between
narcissism and selfie posting is stronger among men than women.
Women’s overall narcissism scores were associated only with
reported (rather than actual) number of own selfies posted online.
Among men, the observed relationship was more robust, especially
in the case of group selfies posted online. Our findings regarding
men corroborate those reported previously by Fox and Rooney
(2015) and provide the first evidence that the link between narcis-
sism and selfie-posting behavior is weak among women compared
to men.

Admiration Demand was the only narcissism subscale that sig-
nificantly predicted selfie-posting among women. We observed
significant relationships between women’s Admiration Demand
scores and their posting of own selfies and selfies with a romantic
partner, but not group selfies. Similarly, Admiration Demand pre-
dicted number of selfies posted by men. However, in the case of
men, Admiration Demand most strongly predicted the posting of
group selfies. It should be noted that the correlations reported
were rather weak (all less than r = .22).

Generally, all subscales of narcissism correlated with number of
selfies posted by men. Men’s leadership scores predicted selfies
posted with a romantic partner and group selfies. This result might
be associated with sex differences in the perceived importance of
leadership or in power striving (Van Vugt, Hogan, & Kaiser,
2008), or may reflect sex differences in leadership styles (Eagly &
Johnson, 1990). Similarly, the relationship between leadership
and selfie-posting among men but not women might stem from
the fact that men might be more likely than women to
self-present online in order to obtain or maintain a leadership posi-
tion. Further studies in this area are recommended.

Scores on the Vanity subscale correlated with the number of
selfies posted by men but not women. We hypothesize that, in gen-
eral, posting many pictures of oneself might not be as popular and
socially acceptable among men compared to women and may
reflect the self-fulfilling nature of social stereotypes (Snyder,
Tanke, & Berscheid, 1977). Frequent posting of selfies by women
could be related to their need for physically attractive
self-presentation or an elevated need to belong in a group (in the
case of group selfies), which may be relatively less important for
men (see e.g., Manago, Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008).
From this perspective, men posting many selfies on social media
may have some special, psychological characteristics distinguish-
ing them from the rest of the male population – and elevated van-
ity may be one such characteristic. Men with a low or average level
of vanity might not be motivated to engage in highly
self-presenting online behaviors.

Our findings together with the results of Fox and Rooney
(2015), whose study utilized a large sample of American men,

Table 2
First-order partial correlations between selfies of different categories and narcissism (controlling for the number of all other pictures).

Women (N = 355) Men (N = 393)

Own selfies Selfies with a partner Group selfies Own selfies Selfies with a partner Group selfies

Study 1
Admiration Demand .14** .02 .09 .19*** .11* .22***

Leadership 0.1 <.01 .05 .05 .09 .12*

Vanity 0.1 .04 .04 .16*** .07 .19***

Self-sufficiency .09 .09 .04 .05 .06 .08
Narcissisma .14** .04 .08 .15*** .11* .20***

Study 2
Admiration Demand .12* .18*** .08 .11 .04 .18**

Leadership .02 .06 �.04 .02 .15* .17*
Vanity <.01 .04 �.02 .15** .04 .19** Self-sufficiency �.05 .01 .02 .11 .10 .03 Narcissisma .03 0.1 .02 .14* .11 .21***

a Narcissism total score.
*** Significant p < .003 (two-tailed, surviving Bonferonni correction).

** Significant p < .01 (two-tailed). * Significant p < .05 (two-tailed).

126 P. Sorokowski et al. / Personality and Individual Differences 85 (2015) 123–127

suggest that the positive association between male narcissism and
selfie posting behaviors may be present across a diverse range of
cultures. Although some patterns of social media usage might
depend heavily on cultural factors and may therefore be culturally
specific, it seems that relationships between certain individual
characteristics of social media users and their online behaviors
might be robust enough to allow drawing general conclusions, at
least across cultures with a widespread availability of online social
networking or internet access.

Although our study utilized a large sample of men and women
whose ages ranged from 14 to 47, it did not include young children
or older adults, many of who use online social networking sites
(Livingstone, Ólafsson, & Staksrud, 2011; Pfeil, Arjan, & Zaphiris,
2009). Younger and older people differ both in their use of social
networking sites (e.g., MySapce, Pfeil et al., 2009), and in reported
levels of narcissism (Foster, Keith Campbell, & Twenge, 2003), sug-
gesting that online selfie posting behaviors may vary among age
groups. This is an important research question for future work. In
the present study we measured narcissism using an adaptation
of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory, NPI (Raskin & Hall,
1979; Raskin & Terry, 1988). Although the NPI is the most widely
used measure of narcissism, and has been for the past four decades,
some researchers have expressed concerns about its conceptual-
ization and the subscales used in this measure (reviewed in
Ackerman et al., 2011).

5. Conclusion

In summary, although researchers have investigated correlates
of narcissism in social media usage (Lee et al., 2014; McKinney
et al., 2012; Mehdizadeh, 2010), in our study we tested whether
narcissism subscales predicted selfie-posting on social media and
whether this relationship differed between men and women. We
found that relationships between narcissism and selfie-posting dif-
fered as a function of user sex, type of selfie, and type of narcissism
subscale. In general, narcissism predicted selfie-posting behavior
more strongly among men than women.

Despite the fact that most online social networking sites such as
Facebook and Twitter were launched within the past decade,
already tens of millions of people around the world take part in
online social networking. Yet the social, cognitive and psychologi-
cal implications of such computer-mediated interaction remain
largely unknown. Our findings, which connect the rapidly increas-
ing social phenomenon of posting selfie photographs to various
online sites with narcissistic tendencies particularly among men,

support the hypothesis that the motivations and functions of
online social networking may in part reflect strategic
self-presentation. Further studies of this type may provide new
insights into how social networking allows people to manage and
develop not only their social networks, but also their self-concept.


This work was supported by The European Social Fund
(European Union Operational Programme Human Capital) scholar-
ship to Anna Oleszkiewicz (POKL.04.01.01-00-054/10-00). The pro-
ject was also supported by funds from the Polish National Science
Centre (ETIUDA scholarship #2013/08/T/HS6/00408 to Agnieszka
Sorokowska) and Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education
(scholarship to Agnieszka Sorokowska for years 2013–2016 and
to Piotr Sorokowski for years 2012–2017).


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